In Romania, EU's newest member state,
if you want to get a public tender fixed, the minister might ask you for some euros. Also some sausages and plum brandy, writes The Economist.
Just weeks ago, the agriculture minister Decebal Traian Remes was shown on public television in what appeared to be the act of taking an envelope with 15.000 euros. His middleman, also a former minister, was then videotaped going to Remes' house with boxes of sausages and gallons of plum brandy. The tape included phone recordings in which Remes was asking the bribe-giver, a local businessman, about the exact registration numbers of the tenders he wanted to secure for himself.
Within two days of the tape being shown, Remes was asked by the Premier to resign. The moment couldn't have been worse for Romania: The European Commission is threatening to cut 25% of the agricultural subsidies worth 100 million euros if the Government doesn't set up a functioning and transparent agency for distributing said funds to Romanian peasants.
As for the fate of Mr. Remes and a handful of other former and present ministers suspected of corruption (including the current Justice Minister!), things look brighter than could be reasonably expected in any other European country. An “emergency ordinance” was recently passed by the Romanian government; an extraordinary legal procedure usually concerning urgent matters that enables the government to enact decrees without the usual parliamentary procedures. As a result of this ordinance, the government dissolved the commission which conveniently happened to be in the process of lifting the ministers' immunity, which would have enabled prosecutors to actually investigate all of this purported corruption. The new commission is unlikely to resume activity this year, since there are ongoing appeals against the ordinance.
These delays to corruption trials are, unfortunately, not the first or only instance of such "politicking". Since Romania became an EU member on January 1st, the political class has been working on all levels to restore the privileges and impunity mechanisms it lost during the accession process. Changing the rules during the game seems to be the motto of the current administration. All sorts of legal exceptions, new amendments and bills are meant to undo what the former Justice minister Monica Macovei, broadly appreciated as a true reformist, succeeded in instituting. Unfortunately for Romania, Macovei was replaced during a government reshuffle in April.
Public perception of corruption is high: according to the last Transparency International corruption index, Romania is perceived as the most corrupt country within the EU.
The current Justice Minister Tudor Chiuariu, a former lawyer of a prominent regional party-boss of the governing Liberal Party, blames it on the prosecutors. In Chiuariu's eyes, it's not the MPs who change the laws during the game who are to blame, not the Government who sometimes rules by decree, nor the judges who are by large majority inherited from the Communist era, when they served as a mere branch of the political police. No, in Justice Minister Chiuariu's eyes, this latest bout of corruption is the fault of the prosecutors! Unlike in East Germany, when upon reunification, all judges were evaluated and further employed only if it was certain that they would not act upon political commands, in Romania judges were automatically “recycled” by the post-Communists.
For Chiuariu, the activities of the Anticorruption Department, although praised in the EU Commission’s reports, are just “political commands”. Just days after his appointment earlier this spring, Chiuariu asked for one of the top prosecutors to be replaced – the head of the department dealing with top-level politicians. Even after the Superior Council of Magistrates audited the activity of that prosecutor and found that there are no grounds for him to be dismissed, Chiuariu persisted and asked the president to replace him, only to be refused again. If Chiuariu's (and Romania's) history is any indication, Chiuariu's next step will probably be a draft amendment in order to limit the presidential powers in this regard so that Chiuariu can expel those prosecutors he deems dangerous.
On the EU side, the Commission has some leverage left – the so-called “EU Cooperation & Verification Mechanism” for Justice and Home Affairs - is a unique post-accession monitoring program for Romania and Bulgaria that was designed & instituted in order to ensure the proper functioning of the rule of law and help these two country's fight against corruption. If the progress is unsatisfactory, the Commission can apply a safeguard clause that would block any Romanian verdicts from being legally binding in the EU.
If the Romanian justice system continues its current trend, the EU might very soon have to deal with a failure on the scale of the failure of the EU Constitution in 2005: Romania would become the first EU member state with a dysfunctional rule of law and unchecked corruption. Such a scenario would be a disaster for both the EU & Romania.
This should at least be a lesson for the next EU candidates in line: No EU accession without a real reform of the political class and judicial system.
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