Archive for the 'EU' Category

The complacency of EU institutions regarding property rights in Eastern European countries cements the post-communist oligarchy, argues Karl Peter Schwarz, journalist at Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, in a speech held at the European Ressource Bank in Bucharest on September 14.

There is no doubt that the communists robbed properties, killed the owners or put them in prisons, annihilated a whole class and thus violently destroyed the spontaneous order of the free market society. The only way to address this injustice after the failure of their bloody social experiment would have been the restitution of the stolen property to the legitimate owners or their heirs, a real and fair restitution, with no restrictions, regardless of nationality, ethnicity, language or religion. Eleven years ago, the Council of Europe adopted a resolution (no. 1096) and warned against the dangers of a failed transition process:

At best, oligarchy will reign instead of democracy, corruption instead of the rule of law and organized crime instead of human rights. At worst, the result could be the "velvet restoring" of a totalitarian regime, if not a violent overthrow of democracy. In the worst case, the new undemocratic regime of a bigger country can also present an international danger for its weaker neighbors.

Regarding restitution, the Council of Europe advised

that property, including that of churches, which was illegally or unjustly seized by the state, nationalized, confiscated or otherwise expropriated during the communist totalitarian regimes in principle be restituted to its original owners in integrum, if possible, without violating the rights of current owners who acquired the property in good faith or the rights of tenants who rented the property in good faith, an without harming the progress of democratic reforms. In cases where this is not possible, fair compensations should be given.

Unfortunately, this didn't happen, or it happened only partially. 

The European Union has no problem with this: it excluded the monitoring of property and restitution legislation from the political criteria imposed to EU candidate countries. The denial or restriction of restitution leads to several negative consequences. If you don't give back the property to the legitimate owner or their heirs, you make way for greedy former communists who try to compensate their loss of political power with economic dominance. This contributes to the lasting power of the communist establishment in post-communist countries, which distorts competition and allows corruption and graft to flourish. 

Yes, there is no more communism, but the communists are still in power. Sometimes they call themselves socialists, or social-democrats, sometimes liberals or even conservatives. In the meantime the old communist ties between state and companies have been inverted. Before, it was the party and the state which controlled and captured the economy. Now, the network of oligarchs captures and controls the state, the government and the political parties. This is one of the real successes of graft and corruption, the second being of course Big Government.

Post-communist oligarchies represent a collective security risk as well. They can be used and they are being used by a foreign power which tries to regain the influence it once had in this part of Europe. The old communist networks are the natural partner of this foreign power. We have witnessed these days how a Romanian oligarch sold an oil company to the state-run energy company of a foreign state. (see also Kazakhstan sets foot in the EU and Who is behind KazMunayGaz?) What happened was the re-nationalization of the oil company, the only difference from the communist era being that this time, ownership was given to a foreign state. 

Last but not least, the denial of property rights to the legitimate owners undermines the legal order and the rule of law. In order not to give back stolen property, the state does not hesitate to manipulate and undermine the legal order. The government interferes in court proceedings, falsifies documents, controls and puts plaintiffs and lawyers under surveillance. All this doesn't bother the EU institutions, which cover these crimes with a veil of silence. Whoever acknowledges that liberty reigns only in a society where no one's property is molested, violated or taken over by someone else, will understand that the battle for private property rights and the rule of law is all but won in the European Union.

Karl Peter Schwarz offers several examples form the Czech Republic, among which the most prominent is that of Prince Kinsky. Born in 1936, the prince was a child when he inherited the fortune of his family. His father died in 1938, his mother emigrated in 1940 to Argentina, with all her children. Among her papers, after she died, Prince Kinsky found his Czechoslovak passport, based on which his Czech citizenship was re-confirmed. 

The first 5 of 157 claims were successful. The Czech Civil courts confirmed in 2003 that the state had assumed ownership with no legal grounds. Then the socialist Minister of Culture rang the alarm. Politicians from all political parties got together to debate what to do in order to avoid the misuse of what they called "a few formal discrepancies". The Government created a 30 man Special Unit, named "Majetek" (Property) to block all property claims. This specialized police unit focusing on aristocratic restitution investigation asked the intelligence service in 2004 to collect evidence in Austrian and German archives against prince Kinsky. Czech police wiretapped in 2004 not only Frantisek Kinsky, but also lawyer Jaroslaw Capek and recorded the calls between Kinsky and his lawyer, which are considered inviolable. A Czech court approved the wiretapping.  In the meantime the Parliament passed a so-called Kinsky law which enables the state to interfere in ongoing court proceedings with restitution plaintiffs, who are so rude to request properties from municipalities. Now the municipalities get legal aid payed from public funds, something the other party doesn't have the right to. Needless to say, the Czech Republic doesn't have a legal basis in order to allow free legal aid for those who cannot afford to fight for their civil rights. It is therefore an obvious discrimination of individuals and an act of favoritism towards state entities.

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The New European

While in Western Europe, churches are empty and transformed into supermarkets or banks, the Eastern Orthodox Church in Romania is enjoying a unique popularity.

The Church ranks first in the opinion polls as the “most trusted institution” with 86%, followed only by the Army, press and NATO. Parliament, judiciary and other democratic institutions trailed far behind.

Around 200 churches have been built every year since the fall of Communism. Sunday churchgoers are no rarity, not even among youngsters. About 89% of the 21.7 million Romanians are Orthodox, making it the largest Orthodox population within the European Union.

Romanians will tell you that their Church kept them spiritually alive and inspired during the hardships of the repressive, 45-year Communist regime.

But the truth is that it also kept the regime well informed about its people. Collaboration between priests and the Secret Police (Securitate) was not accidental, but thoroughly planned and implemented.

more here.

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The New European
Janusz Bugajski, director of the Center for Strategic and International Studies New European Democracies Project and chair of the South Central Europe Area Studies program for U.S. Foreign Service Officers at the Foreign Service Institute speaks in an interview for the Romanian daily newspaper "Romania libera" about the recent takeover of the Romanian oil company Rompetrol by the Kazakh state company KazMunayGaz.
 
Q: “Better the Kazakhs than the Russians” seems to be the general view regarding the Rompetrol-KazMunayGaz deal. Do you share this view?
A: Let’s put it this way: on paper it looks like a good idea for Romania or for any other country to diversify its energy links with countries other than Russia. And I’m sure that the Europeans will approve it. The question is what lies behind it. I don’t know exactly KazMunayGaz’s structure or relation with the Russians. What I do know though is that the Kazakhs are very much dependent on transit through Russia – either they go through Russia or they ship it across the Caspian. They have to go across Russian territory in order to get to Novorossiisk, the Black Sea and into Romania. There is always some susceptibility, even if there is no Russian backing behind this, that Russians will cut off the supply. So if it crosses Russian territory and uses a Russian port, it is still susceptible to Russian political pressure.
 
Q: So you wouldn’t believe Dinu Patriciu’s (the CEO of Rompetrol) theory that the deal is building a “Nabucco of oil”, an alternative route to Russia?
A: It would be an alternative to Russia, if it bypassed Russia. The Nabucco pipeline was supposed to bypass Russia, but there seem to be problems with it – lack of investments, Russia’s preemptive pipelines like the one across the Baltic Sea, or the Black Sea. Russia is also trying to tie in the Central Asian countries, to buy most of their oil and gas at a cheap, but a guaranteed price. In other words, locking them in over a long period. This is classic colonialism: buy resources very cheap in your colony and sell them elsewhere – this is exactly what Russia is doing – now it’s trying to raise the prices with Germany and other Western European consumers and at the same time it keeps the prices extremly low for Kazakh and Turkmen oil and gas. So I hope the Central Asians are beginning to wake up. The question is how do they get out of it, because they’re landlocked. There are two possibilities: one would be across the Caspian Sea to Azerbaijan and then across Georgia, Turkey and so forth. The other one would be across Iran, which is sanctioned by the US. So that’s a huge problem. That’s why I think Russia is playing the Iranians. They don’t want Iran to have good relationships with the West, if not for anything else, then for its energy interests.
 
Q: The Western oil companies that are developing the Kashagan oil field in the Caspian Sea are trying to build a trans-Caspian pipeline to connect with the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipe that bypasses Russia. But somehow there is very little progress there.
A: That’s the problem. There’s a lot on paper during these grand schemes, but there is no progress if the Europeans and the Americans can’t get their act together on this. And Russia of course exploits the situation. The question is whether this will help Kazakhstan to get the money to develop an alternative route to bypass Russia. I can’t predict that at the moment.
 
Q: On the deal itself, there are numerous question marks. It’s not clear why he had to sell, he bought it for 615 million dollars and sold it for over two billion. A great profit, but then the question is what’s the price for it and if Romania is actually winning or losing from this deal?
A: For a company this size, it is important for these details to be disclosed. It may be a private deal, but if this is going to affect so many people in so many jobs, in taxation, political, strategic as well as economic matters – I think we need to see exactly what this deal was. With all the articles, the clauses, all these sorts of things are very important. This has to be an open process. Even if this is absolutely clean, one suspects that there is something behind it.
 
Q: Can this deal also be read in the context of the Russia-US row over the military bases and the anti-missile shield in Eastern Europe?
A:That is why it is so important to know who is behind KazMunayGaz. Remember the case with the Ukrainians, the person who was put in charge over the gas supply company – I think a similar process of clarification has to be taken here. Who stands behind KazMunayGaz? I know it’s a state owned company, but what are the other interests in it. And then to look at the deal, what happens in terms of supply – is it going to increase, how much is there going to be invested in modernizing, in new pipelines, in shipping – all these things have to be investigated.
 
Q:The Russians are pressuring full speed on the Burgas-Alexandroupolis pipeline. Could KazMunayGaz-Petromidia be linked to the latter pipe?
A:The pipeline Burgas-Alexandroupolis designed to bypass the Bosphorus can be built pretty quickly and is surely on. Both Bulgaria and Greece signed up to this. It’s a very good question if Romania might plug into what will be a Russian controlled transportation network. Even though it might be a Kazakh-Romanian bilateral deal. It’s a very good point – again, one has to look on what the plans on transportation will be. This pipeline will be put together much more quickly than anything else across the Balkans and link up with Italy. There are so many dotted lines and competing interests, particullarly Russians against the alternatives.
 
Q: And the Russians are pressuring the Bulgarians and Greeks to sell their participation in the Burgas-Alexandroupolis pipeline, although Russia owns 51% of this pipeline.
A: That’s grand strategy. Not only do they want to control the supplies, including the supplies from Central Asia they’re trying to monopolize, but also the transportation, distribution and refinery network in different parts of Europe. Particullary in key-points and on the functioning of the whole economy. That’s what it amounts to.
 
Q: The EU is issuing a package of measures on September 19, set to restrict the access of non-EU companies on the energy market. Is this move coming too late?
A: One thing is to write the package, another to implement it. There are so many diverse country interests. The Russians have been trying to play with different countries – Germany, Austria, France, Italy – there are all sorts of deals going on that bypass the EU channels. So there’s no EU policy on this and Russia is exploiting it.
 
Q: Russia called the initiative a “hysterical reaction”.
A: (Laughs) then the EU is on the right track. If Russia criticizes something, they’re worried. If they’re ignoring it, then it doesn’t matter. It’s a positive sign.

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The New European

How about this for an oil deal: Buy a state oil company for $615 million, get rid of the debts through a shady scheme and then resell it for $2.7 billion. Such a deal is just more proof that the best deals are made with the state: Rompetrol, the private-owned Romanian oil company and its main asset, a refinery at the Black Sea coast, just a few miles from a U.S. military base wasn't sold to Shell, Exxon Mobile or Chevron. Rather, the buyer is the state oil company of Kazakhstan, KazMunayGaz , who bought 75% of Rompetrol on August 24.

"Better the Kazakhs than the Russians" is what US and EU experts are telling the Romanians. But is the Kazakh "president for life", Nursultan Nazarbaev, really an alternative to Putin? 

Dinu Patriciu, the former owner of Rompetrol and now the richest Romanian alive, claims he is building an alternative route to Russian oil.  Such a "Nabucco of oil", as the EU gas pipeline project is referred to that is due to bring Caspian gas through Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey to the European markets is what Patriciu is envisioning. The problem with this rosy view is that the Kazakh oil fields at Tengiz & Atyrau are connected to a Russian pipeline that goes straight to the Russian harbor Novorossiisk at the Black Sea, where 90% of all Russian oil exports are shipped from.

 

More so, the alleged "alternative to Russia" is very committed to the Russian pipeline. When he signed a deal with Vladimir Putin for 17 million tons of oil to be pumped to Novorossiisk for another planned pipeline from Bulgaria to Greece, Nazarbaev said:

"Kazakhstan is absolutely committed to sending the most part, if not all, of its hydrocarbons across the Russian territory."

For the Kazakhs, the acquisition of Rompetrol is finally getting them on European soil, after similar deals with the Czech Republic, Latvia and Lithuania failed. Uzakbay Karablin, the president of KazMunayGaz confirmed this in a statement:

"The deal provides us with a footprint in several important downstream markets in Europe, including France, Romania, Moldova and Bulgaria, as well as the ability to utilize Rompetrol as a platform for future expansion. The company will focus its activities in the high-growth markets of the Black Sea, Balkans and Mediterranean regions. It effectively builds an energy bridge between the oil resources of Kazakhstan and the growing demand for refined products in Central, Eastern and Western Europe."

For the Romanians, especially their increasingly isolated, pro-American president Traian Basescu, the sudden wealth of a local "oligarch", influential party leader and media owner sets the grounds for even more political trouble. The former Rompetrol boss was the very reason for Basescu's disagreements with his Premier, Calin Popescu Tariceanu, a long-time friend and apprentice of Patriciu. 

After he sold the company, Patriciu claimed Gazprom was also interested in purchasing Rompetrol, but the deal couldn't be made because of "political reasons". The Kazakhs seem to be the perfect solution: not quite Russians, but close enough, with pockets deep enough to make them eager to buy at any price.  The Kazakhs even went so far as to allow Patriciu to keep his CEO seat. For Patriciu, on trial for money laundry and insider trading related to the privatizing of the very same Rompetrol he just sold, this might be the ticket to heaven. A prosecutor-free heaven.

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The New European

The Eastern European countries are engaging in what seems to be a race to the bottom in the implementation of a flat tax policy & rate. Trying to attract ore foreign investments than its neighboring country Romania, who adopted the flat tax at a rate of 16% in 2005, Bulgaria now announced it will introduce a flat tax of 10% in January 2008, the lowest rate so far. But other Eastern European countries are contemplating the idea of adopting this fiscal policy, and one has to wonder how low they can go with the taxation bar. For instance, the Czech Prime Minister announced in March that a 15% flat tax is "certain" to be introduced next year.

Implemented correctly, the flat tax policy has proved to be successful, at least in the Baltic states (which had higher rates though, between 24%-26%) when combined with strong emphasis on collecting the taxes and cutting red tape. In Romania, though, the policy is a mixed bag, the current Liberal minority government being backed by the Socialists in Parliament, has recently adopted a new pensions law that will most probably increase the social contributions and other hidden taxes. Cutting red tape has not been a priority so far, and foreign investors, although drawn by the new EU country, complain about the lack of transparency, bureaucracy and lingering corruption.

In the same race to the bottom spirit of Bulgaria, the Balkan country of Macedonia lowered its flat tax from 12% to 10% this year, claiming it's a "new business heaven in Europe". According to the Index of Economic Freedom,

"Macedonia is ranked 32nd out of 41 countries in the European region, and its overall score is lower than the regional average. Macedonia faces many challenges, including weak freedom from government, investment freedom, property rights, and freedom from corruption. Government expenditures are high, although state-owned businesses do not account for a significant portion of total revenue. The court system is prone to corruption, political interference, and inefficiency, partially as a result of the country's political turmoil."

Macedonia's agressive PR campaign might be thus a slight overstatement, though perfectly understandable as it is coming from a country that wants to join the EU and become more prosperous. Still, just by lowering the taxation bar and failing on deeper economic and political reforms doesn't do the trick.  Not in the long run.

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The New European

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